Evaluate how far attempts to control nuclear weapons improved US– Soviet relations.
Level
A Level
Year Examined
2022
Topic
International history, 1945–92
👑Complete Model Essay
Evaluate how far attempts to control nuclear weapons improved US– Soviet relations.
Evaluate how far attempts to control nuclear weapons improved US–Soviet relations.
The development and proliferation of nuclear weapons after 1945 cast a long shadow over international relations. The rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union, fuelled by ideological differences and geopolitical ambitions, created a climate of fear and suspicion. While both sides recognized the potential for mutually assured destruction, the pursuit of nuclear superiority often overshadowed attempts at arms control. This essay will evaluate the extent to which attempts to control nuclear weapons improved US-Soviet relations during the Cold War.
It is undeniable that agreements to limit nuclear weapons had some positive impact on US-Soviet relations. The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war, served as a stark reminder of the dangers of unchecked proliferation. The subsequent signing of the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963, banning atmospheric nuclear tests, demonstrated a willingness to engage in dialogue and find common ground. The establishment of a hotline between Washington and Moscow, allowing for direct communication between leaders, further eased tensions by reducing the risk of miscalculation or accidental escalation. These early attempts, though limited in scope, fostered a sense of cautious optimism and paved the way for more substantial negotiations.
The period of détente in the 1970s witnessed more significant progress in arms control talks. The Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), initiated under President Johnson and continued by President Nixon, aimed to curb the growth of strategic nuclear weapons. SALT I, signed in 1972, placed limits on the number of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs) each side could possess. This agreement, for the first time, placed actual constraints on the nuclear arsenals of the superpowers, marking a significant step towards strategic stability. The Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty, also signed in 1972, limited the deployment of missile defense systems, further reducing the incentive for a first strike. These agreements, while not without their limitations, fostered a climate of greater trust and predictability in US-Soviet relations. The Helsinki Accords of 1975, addressing a range of issues including security and human rights, further reflected the spirit of détente. However, it is important to note that détente was a period of coexistence rather than genuine friendship. Deep ideological differences and geopolitical rivalry persisted, as evidenced by the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, which dealt a serious blow to détente.
The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 ushered in a period of renewed tensions between the superpowers. Reagan's characterization of the Soviet Union as an "evil empire" and his commitment to building up US military strength, including the controversial Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), raised concerns about a renewed arms race. However, by the mid-1980s, a combination of factors, including the Soviet Union's growing economic problems and the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev, created a new opportunity for arms control. The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, signed by Reagan and Gorbachev in 1987, eliminated an entire class of nuclear missiles. The Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START), signed in 1991, further reduced the number of deployed strategic nuclear weapons. These agreements, coupled with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union, marked the end of the Cold War.
In conclusion, while attempts to control nuclear weapons did not single-handedly improve US-Soviet relations, they played a crucial role in managing tensions and preventing a catastrophic conflict. The agreements signed during periods of détente and later under Gorbachev helped to create a framework for dialogue and cooperation. They fostered a degree of trust and predictability, albeit limited, in an otherwise volatile relationship. It is important to note, however, that arms control was often a reflection of the broader geopolitical climate rather than a driver of improved relations. The ups and downs of US-Soviet relations were shaped by a complex interplay of factors, including ideological competition, regional conflicts, and domestic political considerations. Nevertheless, the pursuit of arms control, however imperfect, stands as a testament to the shared interest in avoiding nuclear annihilation and serves as a valuable lesson for contemporary international relations.
Bibliography
Gaddis, John Lewis. *The Cold War: A New History*. Penguin Books, 2006.
Hoffmann, Stanley. *The Dead Hand: The Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race and Its Dangerous Legacy*. Anchor Books, 2009.
Garthoff, Raymond L. *Détente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan*. Brookings Institution Press, 1994.
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Introduction
Briefly introduce the arms race and the idea of peaceful coexistence. State your argument - that while attempts to control nuclear weapons had a mixed impact on US-Soviet relations, ultimately they contributed to a thaw and the end of the Cold War.
Early Attempts and Mixed Results (1950s-1960s)
Peaceful Coexistence vs. Arms Race: Discuss Khrushchev's idea of peaceful coexistence and early attempts at dialogue like Camp David. Contrast this with the underlying tension of the arms race and events like the Cuban Missile Crisis that heightened fears.
Limited Successes: Analyze the impact of agreements like the Limited Test Ban Treaty and the hotline. While positive steps, were they enough to overcome fundamental mistrust?
Détente and Its Limits (1960s-1970s)
SALT I and the Promise of Détente: Discuss the philosophy behind SALT, McNamara's views on stability, and the significance of the ABM Treaty. Did this mark a genuine improvement in relations or just a pause in the arms race?
Obstacles to Lasting Peace: Highlight ongoing tensions despite détente, such as the buildup of ICBMs, concerns over Soviet ABM systems, and disagreements over bombers and warheads.
Global Conflicts and Mistrust: Analyze how events like the Yom Kippur War, Sino-Soviet split, and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan fueled mistrust and undermined détente.
New Tensions and Eventual Breakthrough (1980s)
Reagan, SDI, and Renewed Hostility: Examine the impact of Reagan's hardline stance, the SDI program, and the escalation of rhetoric on US-Soviet relations.
Gorbachev and the Path to Disarmament: Discuss Gorbachev's new thinking, his willingness to negotiate with Reagan, and the significance of the INF Treaty and START.
Conclusion
Summarize the fluctuating nature of US-Soviet relations throughout the period. Argue that while arms control efforts initially had limited success, they played a crucial role in fostering dialogue and building trust, ultimately contributing to the end of the Cold War. Acknowledge that other factors beyond arms control also played a part in this process.
Extracts from Mark Schemes
Evaluate how far attempts to control nuclear weapons improved US–Soviet relations.
The nuclear arms race occurred because neither side wanted the other to gain the upper hand. However, Khrushchev had spoken of peaceful coexistence and both Eisenhower and Dulles realised the need for a dialogue with the Soviet Union. In 1959, Khrushchev visited the United States and met Eisenhower at Camp David indicating both superpowers were willing to talk.
However, in 1962 the Cuban Missile Crisis further fuelled the tensions between them; many believed that the world was on the brink of a nuclear war. Following the Cuban Crisis, the Limited Test Ban Treaty was signed in 1963 by the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union. A hotline was also set up connecting the leaders of the United States and Soviet Union. In 1967, Johnson initiated the SALT talks and met Kosygin in New Jersey.
Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense, argued that limiting the development of both offensive and defensive strategic systems would make relations between the two countries more stable. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was signed on 1 July 1968. Richard Nixon also believed in SALT and on November 17, 1969, the formal SALT talks began in Helsinki. Nixon and Brezhnev signed the ABM Treaty and interim SALT agreement on 26 May 1972 in Moscow. For the first time during the Cold War, the United States and Soviet Union had agreed to limit the number of nuclear missiles in their arsenals. The two superpowers had entered the era of détente. Negotiations for a second round of SALT began in late 1972. At the Vladivostok Summit in 1974, Ford and Brezhnev agreed on the basic framework of a SALT II agreement. On 17 June 1979, Carter and Brezhnev signed the SALT II Treaty in Vienna but Carter withdrew it from the Senate.
Relations between the United States and the Soviet Union did not improve until Gorbachev came to power. He was willing to negotiate a reduction in nuclear weapons with Reagan and in December 1987, they signed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty calling for the elimination of intermediate-range missiles. In July 1991, the Strategic Arms Reduction Act was signed by which time the Cold War was over. Both powers continued to build up arms in the 1960s.
During the late 1960s, the United States was concerned that the Soviet Union was aiming to achieve parity with the United States by building up ICBMs. In January 1967, President Johnson announced that the Soviet Union had begun to construct a limited ABM defence system around Moscow. Even after the Vladivostok agreements, the two nations could not resolve the two other outstanding issues from SALT I, the number of strategic bombers and the total number of warheads in each nation’s arsenal.
There were also rising tensions in different areas of the world. Conflicting alliances during the 1973 Yom Kippur War drew the two powers to the brink of confrontation. Sino–US relations were improving while the Sino–Soviet split continued. Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, President Carter withdrew the SALT II treaty from the Senate.
The United States boycotted the 1980 Olympics in Moscow, and the Soviet Union retaliated by boycotting the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles. When President Reagan assumed office, he referred to the Soviet Union as an 'evil empire' and he felt that he should negotiate from a position of strength. It seemed once again that US–Soviet relations had deteriorated. In 1983, President Ronald Reagan announced the Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI). The intent of this program was to develop a sophisticated anti-ballistic missile system to prevent missile attacks from other countries, specifically the Soviet Union.