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‘The Conservative Party was a pro-European party in the years 1983 to 1992.’ Assess the validity of this view.

Level

A Level

Year Examined

2021

Topic

The Making of Modern Britain, 1951-2007

👑Complete Model Essay

‘The Conservative Party was a pro-European party in the years 1983 to 1992.’ Assess the validity of this view.

The Conservative Party and Europe, 1983-1992: Pro-European or Eurosceptic?

The assertion that the Conservative Party was pro-European between 1983 and 1992 holds a degree of truth, especially in the context of Margaret Thatcher's leadership. However, this period also witnessed the burgeoning of a powerful Eurosceptic movement within the party, ultimately leading to internal divisions that would plague Conservative approaches to Europe for decades to come. To assess the validity of this view, we must consider both the pro-European actions of Conservative governments during this era and the growing discomfort with European integration within the party.

Evidence of Pro-European Sentiment and Action

During Thatcher's tenure, the Conservative government took several significant steps towards greater European integration. The most notable was Thatcher's enthusiastic support for the Single European Act (SEA) in 1986. The SEA aimed to create a single market within the European Economic Community (EEC) by 1993, eliminating trade barriers and promoting free movement of goods, services, capital, and people. Thatcher saw this as beneficial to British economic interests, believing it would boost trade and competitiveness.

Furthermore, Thatcher cultivated a strong working relationship with French President François Mitterrand, collaborating on projects like the Channel Tunnel. She also championed the expansion of the EEC, viewing a larger single market as advantageous for British businesses. These actions clearly demonstrate a pragmatic pro-European approach, focused on securing British economic interests within the European framework.

John Major, who succeeded Thatcher in 1990, continued this trajectory, playing an active role in negotiating the Maastricht Treaty (1992). This treaty laid the groundwork for the European Union and the eventual adoption of the Euro. While Major negotiated opt-outs for the UK on the single currency and the Social Chapter, his willingness to engage in the process and secure a deal further underscores the Conservative government's commitment to European integration during this period.

The Rise of Euroscepticism

Despite these pro-European actions, a strong undercurrent of Euroscepticism emerged within the Conservative Party during this period. Thatcher's own views on Europe were complex and shifted over time. Her famous 1988 Bruges speech, while affirming Britain's destiny in Europe, also issued a stark warning against a federalist Europe and "ever closer political union." This speech resonated with many Conservative MPs who harbored deep reservations about the erosion of national sovereignty and the potential loss of British identity within a federal European structure.

This Eurosceptic sentiment gained further traction due to issues like the ongoing battles over the UK's budget contributions to the EEC and concerns over the potential impact of European regulations on British industries. Thatcher's own confrontational style in European negotiations, often dubbed "handbag diplomacy," fueled perceptions of an adversarial relationship with Europe, further stoking Eurosceptic anxieties.

The Maastricht Treaty proved a significant turning point. While Major presented the opt-outs he secured as victories, many within his own party, including prominent figures like Margaret Thatcher herself, saw them as insufficient. The treaty ignited a fierce internal party debate, exposing the deep divisions within Conservative ranks over Europe and ultimately undermining Major's authority.

Conclusion

In conclusion, while the Conservative Party under Thatcher and Major engaged actively in European integration and pursued policies that could be perceived as pro-European, particularly regarding economic matters, it is too simplistic to label them unequivocally pro-European. The seeds of Euroscepticism were sown during this period, fueled by concerns over sovereignty, national identity, and the potential economic drawbacks of deeper integration. The Maastricht Treaty brought these simmering tensions to the forefront, creating a legacy of division within the Conservative Party on Europe, a legacy that continues to shape British politics today.

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The Conservative Party and Europe, 1983-1992
This essay will assess the validity of the view that the Conservative Party was pro-European in the years 1983 to 1992. It will consider the evidence for and against this view, focusing on the policies of Margaret Thatcher and John Major.

Evidence for a pro-European stance
Thatcher’s role in negotiating the Single European Act (SEA) and her support for European enlargement.
Thatcher’s good working relationship with European leaders, particularly Mitterrand.
Major’s support for broader integration and his establishment of good personal links with European leaders, particularly Helmut Kohl.
The Conservative Party’s support for joining the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) in 1990.

Evidence against a pro-European stance
Thatcher’s Bruges speech in 1988, which opposed Federalism and ‘ever closer political union’.
Thatcher’s ‘handbag diplomacy’ and her criticism of Britain’s financial contributions to the EEC.
Major’s negotiation of opt-outs from the single currency and the Social Chapter.

Conclusion
The Conservative Party’s stance on Europe in the years 1983 to 1992 was complex and nuanced. While there was clear support for some aspects of European integration, particularly the single market, there was also a reluctance to embrace ‘ever closer political union’. Ultimately, the party’s stance was shaped by a desire to balance the benefits of European membership with the need to protect British sovereignty.

Extracts from Mark Schemes

Margaret Thatcher and Europe
Margaret Thatcher had been an enthusiastic participant in negotiating the Single European Act (SEA), which came into force on 1 July 1987 (only a few Conservative backbenchers, such as Enoch Powell, opposed the SEA); she established a good working relationship with Mitterrand over the Channel Tunnel project – both evidence of pro-Europeanism; Thatcher also supported European enlargement, believing that this would strengthen the single European market.

Thatcher’s so-called ‘handbag diplomacy’ might have irritated some of her European partners, particularly over the extent of Britain’s financial contributions to the EEC (a rebate was obtained in November 1984), but she retained a deep-seated attachment to the single market. Though Thatcher’s Bruges speech in 1988 clearly opposed Federalism and ‘ever closer political union’, she reiterated her broadly pro-European beliefs: ‘Our destiny is in Europe as part of the Community’.

John Major and Europe
Britain joined the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) in October 1990; only 11 Conservative MPs voted against. Major too supported broader integration: he established good personal links with European leaders, particularly Helmut Kohl, in negotiating the Maastricht Treaty; the opt outs he achieved – joining the single currency and the Social Chapter – were largely welcomed within the Conservative Party.

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